THE POLITICS OF THE PRI



I. ALTERNATIVE HYPOTHESES

A. THE PRI REPRESENTS COMPONENT SECTORAL GROUPS IN THE STRUGGLE OVER WHO GETS, WHAT, WHEN, & HOW: PARTY DEMANDS ARE REFLECTED IN GOVERNMENT POLICY (OFFICIAL) (DEMOCRATIC PLURALIST)

B. THE PRI IS SIMPLY AN INSTRUMENT OF THE MEXICAN BOURGEOISIE: A CAPTIVE OF BUSINESS INTERESTS (MARXIST)

C. THE PRI IS CONTROLLED BY ENTRENCHED POLITICAL ELITES WHO USE THE PRI TO LEGITIMIZE AND IMPLMENT THEIR OWN POLICIES & PROGRAMS (NOT IDENTICAL WITH ECONOMIC ELITE) (HANSEN)

II. REJECTION OF THESIS ABOUT OFFICIAL EXPLANATION/ DEMOCRATIC PLURALISM

A. NO EVIDENCE OF INSTITUTIONALIZED BARGAINING & COMPROMISE

B. ECONOMIC ANALYSIS SHOW WORKERS & PEASANTS NOT BENEFICIARIES OF PRI POLICIES SINCE 1940

C. GROUPS WHICH BENEFITTED MOST NOT INCORPORATED INTO PRI:

1. CONCAMIN: INDUSTRY

2. CONCANACO: COMMERCE

3. CNIT: INDUSTRY

D. PARTY CANDIDATES & POLICIES IMPOSED FROM ABOVE AT ALL LEVELS:

1. GOVERNMENT RULES LABOR, NOT VICE-VERSA:

a. Coopted labor leaders--charrismo

b. Repression of independents/radicals

c. Non-ctm unions have higher wages

d. Ctm clearly not independent interest group

2. GOVERNMENT RULES PEASANTS, NOT VICE-VERSA:

a. Imposition of leadership from above (i.e. 1st cnc president was govt. Bureaucrat)

b. Cooptation to reward collaborators (ejido-cnc posts)

c. Coercion:

(1) Interference in elections



(2) Violence/assasinations

(3) Illegal landholdings survive

3. PRI IS INSTRUMENT OF CONTROL FROM ABOVE:

a. For majorities in elections

b. To control labor, peasants, etc.

c. Amount of pluralism dependent upon party Policy-makers

4. PRI DEPENDS UPON: SPOILS SYSTEM/RESTRICTED ACCESS TO OPPORTUNITY TO PARTY LOYALISTS TO RECRUIT/RETAIN CADRE/RULING ELITE CONTROLS ADMISSION TO POWER & COOPTATION/DEMANDS OR SUPPORT FROM BELOW HAVE NO IMPACT ON CAREER OF PRI PARTY OFFICIALS

III. REJECTION OF MARXIST THESIS THAT PARTY IS SIMPLE INSTRUMENT OF BOURGEOISIE

A. NO DIRECT TIES BETWEEN ECONOMIC & POLITICAL ELITES

1. SOCIAL DISTANCE

2. DIFFERENT CAREER PATHS

B. PRI RULING ELITE DO NOT IMPLEMENT DEVELOPMENT POLICIES TO FAVOR WEALTHY CLASS BECAUSE THEY ARE POLITICAL CONSTITUENTS, BUT BECAUSE ECONOMIC GROWTH SUCH POLICIES GENERATE WILL GUARANTEE PRI HEGEMONY: ECONOMIC GROWTH/PROSPERITY ESSENTIAL TO CONTINUING DOMINATION OF PRI--NEED IT TO SATISFY CLIENT RELATIONS/MAINTAIN PARTY DISCIPLINE

C. HISTORIC EXAMPLES OF PRI POLICIES DAMAGING ECONOMIC ELITE INTERESTS: BANK NATIONALIZATION/INCREASED SOCIAL SPENDING IN 1970S/SURVIVAL OF EJIDOS/ETC.

IV. HOW HAS THE MEXICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM PROVIDED POLITICAL STABILITY AND HOW HAS IT ESCAPE HISTORIC PROBLEMS OF THE SORT WHICH CAUSED THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION?

A. AGRARIAN REFORM REDUCED LAND HUNGER/CREATED CLIENTS

1. PACIFIED COUNTRYSIDE BY ELIMINATING HISTORIC CONFLICT BETWEEN VILLAGES & HACIENDAS

2. THOSE WHO RECEIVE LAND BECOME SUPPORTERS/THOSE WITHOUT LAND SUPPORT PRI IN HOPE OF RECEIVING LAND

3. AGRARIAN REFORM BRINGS LICIT/ILLICIT OPPORTUNITIES FOR UPWARD MOBILITY FOR MOST AMBITIOUS INDIVIDUALS

B. LABOR REFORMS CAPTURED URBAN LABOR MOVEMENT

1. CLIENTELISM: LEADERS/ORGANIZATION

2. CTM AS POLICEMAN/VOTING BLOC

C. INCREASED CAPACITY TO MEET DEMANDS FOR UPWARD MOBILITY

1. UPWARD MOBILITY THROUGH PRI

2. POLITICAL CIRCULATION OF ELITES: 6-YR. TURNOVERS ("NO REELECTION")

3. NON-POLITICAL AVENUES FOR ADVANCEMENT: ECO. GROWTH

D. INCREASED CAPACITY TO LIMIT DEMANDS

1. AUTHORITARIANISM: LIMIT POLITICAL INPUTS

2. RESTRICTED POLITICAL INPUT/REWARDS FOR WORKERS & PEASANTS VIA CNC-CTM CONTROLS

E. MEXICAN POLITICAL CULTURE MEANS CITIZENS MAKE FEWER DEMANDS ON MEXICAN STATE THAN IN OTHER LATIN AMERICAN NATIONS

1. PAROCHIAL:

a. Political culture of the have-nots

b. 25% of pop. Knows nothing of pol. System/makes no demands

c. Political apathy is product of longtime exploitative relationship of marginal rural People with state

d. Associated with isolated rural village life

e. Discontent is focused internally--expressed in crime/social violence/no threat to state

2. SUBJECT:

a. 65% is aware of government, but relationship is passive, ambivalent attitudes

b. Feelings of cynicism & alienation mixed with belief that conditions improving

c. Support for political system is diffuse

d. Product of legitimizing myth of mexican Revolution/ perception of growing opportunities (even if false)/individualistic Culture/ suspicion of mass organizations & leaders

e. May be mobilized by charismatic opposition, but pri has monopolized political power so no challenger to rally behind/is always potentially dangerous

f. Rhetoric of revolution is sufficient to satisfy subject pop.

3. PARTICIPANT

a. Limited to upper 10% of population: upper, middle classes, govt. Bureaucracy, private sector

b. Type of political support rendered is direct: support is contingent upon favorable nature of systems output

c. Govt. Policy must materially benefit this group/or govt. Faces loss of support

d. I.e. Economic reverses & govt. Policy since 198-88 lost entrepreneurs/middle classes; now enemies of pri

F. SIGNIFICANCE OF MEXICAN REVOLUTION

1.WEAKENED TRADITIONAL ELITES: MADE LIMITED REFORMS POSSIBLE/LOST DIRECT ACCESS TO POLITICAL SYSTEM: COULD NOT MAKE POLITICAL DEMANDS ON ECONOMIC POLICY-MAKING THAT WOULD PROVOKE MASS UNREST

2. IDEOLOGICAL LEGITIMACY: MYTH OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION

G. UMI AS POLITICAL SAFETY-VALVE