
Mikhail Bakunin (1814-1876).
A man of legendary physical presence and vigor, Bakunin was also
an important social philosopher who could speak most European languages
fluently. However, unlike most political thinkers of his century,
Bakunin was as comfortable guerrilla-fighting Prussians from behind barricades
in the streets of Dresden as he was writing treatises. Bakunin came
from a family which owned a sizable estate, and his father was career diplomat
and liberal thinker. After a short, desultory stint in the military,
Bakunin discovered Hegel and Fichte; by the time he was 22, he had in fact
translated some of the writings of the latter philosopher. Bakunin
spent most of his life organizing and agitating. By 1857, he had
already build a reputation as a revolutionary par excellence and had spent
nearly eight years in the most squalid dungeons of Russia. Leaving
his homeland via Japan, for several weeks in 1861 Bakunin actually passed
through the United States and then continued on to London.
Bakunin and his followers were briefly participants
in the Internationals of the 1860s. However, the growing animosity
between he and Karl Marx eventually led to his expulsion in 1872.
As Gerald Brenan explains with concision, the main source of conflict between
these two formidable thinkers were their respective visions for the post-revolutionary
state: "...whereas Marx wished to conquer political power for the
proletariat, Bakunin wished the proletariat to destroy it" (132).
In spite of Marx and countless other enemies, Bakunin cultivated many friendships
with prominent people of his time, including George Sand, Pierre Joseph
Proudhon, Richard Wagner and Giuseppi Fanelli. When he died in Bern,
Bakunin left behind him a political legacy that would come closest to being
implemented in Spain, a country that he hardly visited during his life.
As Gerald Brenan points out, "everything of importance in Spanish Anarchism
goes back to him" (132).
The following passages are from his late treatise,
Statism and Anarchy (1873), the first chapter of which critiques
the Marxist program for social revolution. In his own review of this
work, Marx would write that it was "schoolboy drivel", that Bakunin was
an "ass" and that "[i]f Herr Bakunin knew even one thing about the situation
of the manager of a workers' cooperative factory, all his hallucinations
about domination would go to the devil" (The Marx-Engels Reader,
2nd. edition. Robert C. Tucker, Ed. New York: Norton, 1978.
543-46.)
"...We, the revolutionary anarchists, are the advocates of education for all the people, of the emancipation and the widest possible expansion of social life. Therefore, we are enemies of the State and all forms of the statist principle..."
"...In accordance with this belief, we neither intend nor desire to
thrust upon our own or any other people any scheme of social organization
taken from books or concocted by ourselves. We are convinced that the masses
of the people carry in themselves, their instincts..., in their daily necessities,
and in their conscious or unconscious aspirations, all the elements of
the future social organization. We seek this ideal in the people
themselves. Every state power, every government, by its very nature
places itself outside and over the people and inevitably subordinates them
to an organization and to aims which are foreign to and opposed to the
real needs and aspirations of the people...We think that people can be
free and happy only when organized from the bottom up in completely free
and independent associations, without governmental paternalism though not
without the influence of a variety of free individuals and parties.
Such are our ideas as social revolutionaries,
and we are therefore called anarchists. We do not protest this name..."
(From: Bakunin, Mikhail. Bakunin on Anarchism. Ed. and Trans. Sam Dolgoff. Montréal: Black Rose, 1980. 327-28.)

Peter Kropotkin (1842-1921).
Like Mikhail Bakunin, Kropotkin was born of an aristocratic, land-holding
family and was expected to pursue a military career. While serving
in the military, his interest in geography was stimulated and he did some
pioneering work in this field. In the wake of the revolutionary upheavals
of 1848, however, Kropotkin decided to abandon this promising future in
geography and instead devoted himself to political study. Prosecuted for
his politcal beliefs and activism, Kropotkin spent two years in the terrible
Peter and Paul Fortress; a dramatic escape from this prison and his reputation
as an expert in geography provided him access to many prominent intellectual
circles. He joined the International Working Men's Association (the
IWMA, or the First International) in 1872; significantly, this was the
year that Marx and his collegues expelled Bakunin. In many other ways,
particularly in terms of Spanish Anarchism, Kropotkin can be seen as the
successor of that first influential anarchist leader.
Kropotkin was an advocate of a variety of anarchism
with more communistic characteristics, and he advanced his vision quite
vigorously against the more numerous Bakuninists and their collectivism.
According to Murray Bookchin, the main difference between the theories
of these two influential men was that while Bakunin believed that individuals
in his system earned what they needed in relation to the amount of labor
they contributed to the whole, Kropotkin believed that immediately after
the revolution, each commune of workers would provide equally for the individuals.
He wrote, "Need will be put above service...it will be recognized that
everyone who cooperates in production to a certain extent has in the first
place that right to live comfortably" (Bookchin 115-16). Returning
to Russia after the 1905 Revolution, he devoted the remainder of his life
to compiling his writings and consequently had little part in the October
Revolution.

Anselmo Lorenzo (1842-1914),
a printer from Madrid, has been commonly identified as the "Grandfather
of Spanish Anarquism". He was among those present at the first anarchist
meeting organized by Giuseppi Fanelli in Barcelona, and throughout his
career as a publisher served as director of several important anarchist
periodicals, including La solidaridad (Madrid) and El productor
(Barcelona). Lorenzo also contributed frequently to the anarchist
press, particularly to the influential periodicals Acracia and La
revista blanca. In his spare time he wrote short stories with
clearly political undertones; one of which, "Amoría" is included
in Litvak's important anthology, El cuento anarquista: Antología
(1880-1911) (Madrid: Taurus, 1982. 143-50). Without a doubt,
however, Lorenzo's single most important text are his memoirs, in which
he colorfully describes the trajectory of the Spanish anarchist movement
from its inception with Fanelli to its declines at the turn-of-the-century
and after (El proletariado militante. José Alvarez Junco,
ed. [Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1974]).
Lorenzo was instrumental in the establishment
of the FRE (la Federación Regional Española) in 1870, which
was the Spanish branch of the First International. At the London
Congress of the International in 1871, Lorenzo met with Marx and Engels
and was one of the first people to be aware of growing disagreements between
those men and Bakunin. In 1871-72, Lorenzo had to escape to Portugal
with important FRE documents because of government prosecution. When
the FRE was effectively replaced by the FTRE (la Federación de Trabajadores
de la Región Española) in 1881, Lorenzo was forced into semi-retirement
from his activism because of internal power struggles. In 1884, he
resumed his role as the leading Spanish anarchist. Throughout his
life, Lorenzo endeavored to design a working strategy for real political
action. His views were more moderate than many anarchists and in
the end can be seen as more heavily influenced by Proudhon and Pi y Margall
than by Kropotkin or Bakunin. Lorenzo died on November 30, 1914;
some of his contemporaries felt that his death was hastened by the start
of the First World War and by the accumulated failures of Spanish anarchism.
José Martínez Ruiz
«Azorín» (1874-1967). José
Martínez Ruiz was born in Monóvar, Alicante, where his father
was mayor. In the 1880s, he studied law in the University of Valencia
at the same time that the novelist Vicente
Blasco Ibáñez did. In 1896 he arrived in Madrid,
began work as a journalist, and remained there throughout his life (except
for the period of the Civil War, during which he lived in Paris).
Martínez Ruiz served in the Spanish government and was elected to
the Real Academia Española in 1924. However, Martínez
Ruiz will forever be known to scholars of Spanish literature as Azorín,
a nom de plume he adopted early in his long career, and as one of
the most prominent members of the so-called Generation of '98, a term he
himself coined in an essay of 1913. He is better remembered for his
essays and sketches than for his novels; the famous «estilo azoriniano»
presents the reader with a remarkably scrutinizing viewpoint, describing
every minute detail of the most familiar--even mundane--objects.
Through this perspective, however, these commonly-overlooked items assume
a new significance. Azorín was a most incisive writer who
also liked to suggest the passage of time in his work, which in turn suggests
that mundane things of his literary world continue while men, and even
civilizations, pass. Among his most important works are Castilla
(1902), Los pueblos (1905), both collections of essays; and the
novels Antonio Azorín (1903), Confesiones de un pequeño
filósofo (1904) and Doña Inés (1925).
Azorín's outstanding early novel, La voluntad (1902), also
uses the anarchist movement and Europe's fin de siècle decadence
as background. Para ver otro enlace sobre Azorín en su contexto
social, toque aquí.
Azorín's relationship to anarchism
was productive but, considering his near seven decades of his literary
production, short-lived. In the mid-1890s he began publishing articles
in major newspapers and in the many small presses of Madrid, articles that
illuminated various points of anarchist ideology and biographical aspects
of leading figures such as Kropotkin. In 1895 Azorín published
two major works, Anarquistas literarias and Notas sociales,
both of which presented to the public the principle theories of anarchism.
Shortly after the turn-of-the-century, Azorín did not continue advocating
anarchism as openly as before; in fact, by the end of his career he was
a writer comfortably established in the regime of Francisco Franco.
Azorín was an enormously erudite writer
and his political works drawn upon a wealth of literary and political sources.
In several anarchist writings, he refers to the millenarian themes of the
ideology that attracted so many in its time, such as comparing the anarchist
to "un Cristo nuevo", and takes issue with them. Azorín was
a secular and philosophical anarchist; he did not view anarchism religiously
nor idealistically. Neither did he view anarchism as anything particularly
new. As the critic Kathleen Glenn points out, "As defined by Azorín,
anarchists are those men of independent spirit who love liberty, justice,
and their fellow men and have a highly-developed moral sensibility" (Azorín
[José Martínez Ruiz]. Boston: Twayne, 1981.
27.). Similarly, authors who are not afraid to write what they feel
also merit the name of anarchists in Azorín's opinion:
"¿No representan nada los Zola, Reclus, Kropotkine, Malato, Hamon, Mirbeau, Paul Adam, Grauve, Faure, etc.?...Lo diré siempre y lo afirmaré con toda mi alma, con la convicción más firme: si existe alguna obra verdaderamente grande, de inciativas generosas, de consecuencias fecundas, prolongación, en fin de la labor de los Confucio, Marco Aurelio, Epícteto, Jesús, es precisamente la obra que los nombres antes citados simbolizan" ("Avisos de este" 69-70).
"Uno de mis más amados discípulos, Ernesto Renán, ha dicho que yo fui un anarquista. Si ser anarquista es ser partidario del amor universal, destructor de todo poder, perseguidor de toda ley, declaro que fui anarquista. No quiero que unos hombres gobiernen a otros hombres; quiero que todos seáis iguales. No quiero que trabajen unos y que otros, en la holganza, consuman lo producido; no quiero que haya estados, ni códigos, ni ejércitos, ni propiedad, ni familia; quiero que todos os tengáis tan grande amor que no necesitéis ni verdugos ni jueces..." ("El Cristo nuevo" 71-72).
From: Azorín, Artículos anarquistas, José
María Valverde, ed. (Barcelona: Editorial Lumen, S.A., 1992).

"...You must either make a tool of the creature, or a man of him. You cannot make both. Men were not intended to work with the accuracy of tools, to be precise and perfect in all their actions...Let me not be thought to speak wildly or extravagantly. It is verily this degradation of the operative [man] into machine, which more than any other evil of the times, is leading the mass of the nations everywhere into vain, incoherent, destructive struggling for freedom of which they cannot explain the nature to themselves..."
"...And how, it will be asked, are these products to be recognized,
and this demand to be regulated? Easily: by the observance
of three broad and simple rules:
1. Never encourage the manufacture of any article not absolutely
necessary, in the production of which Invention has no share.
2. Never demand an exact finish for its own sake, but only
for some practical or noble end.
3. Never encourage imitation or copying of any kind, except
for the sake of preserving record of great works..."
"...accurately speaking, no good work whatever can be perfect, and the demand for perfection is always a sign of a misunderstanding of the ends of art...Imperfection is in some sort essential to all that we know of life..."
(From: Bloom, Harold, Trilling, Lionel, et al. The Oxford
Anthology of English Literature. Vol 2. New York:
Oxford UP, 1973. 964-67.)

William Morris (1834-1896).
Most famous for his intricate designs, William Morris was also a profound
social thinker and a poet of great talent. He was born in Walthamstow,
a town near London, and his early life modeled that of John Ruskin to a
great extent. Reading Ruskin's The Stones of Venice while a student
at Oxford would prove to be a turning point in his life; his associations
with some members of the Pre-Raphaelite Circle (Edward Burne-Jones in particular)
would only further convince him that his future held something other than
taking holy orders and becoming a priest. He became a professional
designer and his business became extremely profitable within twenty or
thirty years; in 1881, Morris and Company received the commission to redecorate
the Throne and Reception rooms of St. James's Palace. However, like
Ruskin, his later writings began to reflect more concern and criticism
of society and the increased commercialization of art. He read Marx
and in 1876 wrote his own manifesto, To the Working-men of England, in
which he denounced the aristocracy and war. Like Ruskin, Morris felt
that industrialized work--which the worker neither understood nor performed
voluntarily--was dehumanizing. Morris was an extremely energetic
man, and after his death in 1896 his physician said that he died from "simply
being William Morris, and having done more work than most ten men."
The following selections are from "The Beauty of
Life", a lecture Morris gave in February 1880 before the Birmingham Society
of Arts and School of Design.
"...So much is now known of the periods of art that have left abundant examples of their work behind them, that we can judge of the art of all periods by comparing these with the remains of times of which less has been left us; and we cannot fail to come to the conclusion that down to very recent days everything that the hand of man touched was more or less beautiful: so that in those days all people who made anything shared in art, as well as all people who used the things so made: that is, all people shared art."
"As to the art of the people; in countries and places where the greater art had flourished most, it went step by step on the downward path...for a long time people did not know it, or what had taken place, crept so to say into its dead body--that pretense of art, to wit, which is done with machines, though sometimes the machines are called men, and doubtless are so out of working hours: nevertheless long before it was quite dead it had fallen so low that the whole subject was usually treated with the utmost contempt by every one who had any pretense of being a sensible man, and in short the whole civilized world had forgotten that there has ever been an art made by the people for the people as a joy for the maker and the user."
(From: Bloom, Harold, Trilling, Lionel, et al. The Oxford
Anthology of English Literature. Vol 2. New York:
Oxford UP, 1973. 1079, 1081-82.)

Walter Benjamin (1892-1940):
Born in Berlin of German-Jewish ancestry, the influence of Walter Benjamin
has been largely posthumous. An iconoclast his entire short life,
his chances for a career in teaching were forever ruined by a polemically
political essay he wrote on Goethe. Benjamin's writings are a curious
mixture of mystical Jewish thought, modernism, and unorthodox Marxism.
He united an apocalyptic vision of history with a concern for the material,
productive basis of art. He maintained an uneasy relationship with
Adorno but was a close friend of the poet Brecht. Some of Benjamin's
most illuminating essays treat the life and works of Franz Kafka.
Benjamin committed suicide in September of 1940, on the Franco-Spanish
border, trying to escape the Nazis who would have murdered him. (Biographical
link.)
Although Benjamin had no involvement whatsoever with the
Spanish anarchism, some of his highly provocative and important theories
seem to echo those of prominent anarchists such as Tárrida del Mármol
and Federico Urales. In his classic essay of 1936, "The Work of Art
in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction", Benjamin reflects the same fear
and skepticism of the growing influence of capitalist technology on artistic
production that many Spanish anarchists felt in their time. Perhaps
what differentiates Benjamin from the Spanish anarchists, however, is his
position of the popularization of art. In this essay, Benjamin suggests
that art is the product of a sacred ritual, a timeless tradition, and that
means of permitting its mass appreciation dispel the "aura" of an individual
work. The anarchists would have disagreed on this point, perhaps
arguing that the relationship of a work of art to society is what legitimizes
it as art. There is a spirit of egalitarianism that seems to be antithetical
to this particular essay of the great German critic. Furthermore,
the Spanish anarchists were trying to forge a new art; thus, all talk of
a tradition or of a particular work's history was afield of their program.
"...The situations into which the product of mechanical reproduction can be brought may not touch the actual work of art, yet the quality of its presence is always depreciated...The authenticity of a thing is the essence of all that is transmissible from its beginning, ranging from is substantive duration to its testimony to the history which it has experienced...the technique of reproduction detached the reproduced object from the domain of tradition."
"...And if changes in the medium of contemporary perception can be comprehended
as decay of the aura, it is possible to show its social causes.
The concept of aura which was proposed above with reference to
historical objects may usefully be illustrated with reference to the aura
of natural ones. We define the aura of the latter as the unique phenomenon
of a distance, however close it may be...To pry an object from its shell,
to destroy its aura, is the mark of a perception whose 'sense of universal
equality of things' has increased to such a degree that it extracts it
even from a unique object by means of reproduction."
"The uniqueness of a work of art is inseparable from its being imbedded in the fabric of tradition...Originally the contextual integration of art in tradition found its expression in the cult...for the first time in world history, mechanical reproduction emancipates the work of art from its paracitical dependence on ritual...But the instant the criterion of authenticity ceases to be applicable to artistic production, the total function of art is reversed. Instead of being based on ritual, it begins to be based on another practice--politics."
"Mechanical reproduction of art changes the reaction of the masses toward art. The reactionary attitude toward a Picasso painting changes into the progressive reaction toward a Chaplin movie. The progressive reaction is characterized by the direct, intimate fusion of visual and emotional enjoyment with the orientation of the expert."
(From: Benjamin, Walter. "The Work of Art in the Age of
Mechanical Reproduction." Illuminations. Ed. Hannah
Arendt. Trans. Harry Zohn. New York: Schocken, 1978.
217-252.)