Journal Files A.A.S
Lessons from Marvin Harris, Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches
1. Environment shapes behavior
Behavior is a product of the blood and guts environment. Similar to Skinner, but obviously the result is not uniquely deterministic.
2. Some myths seem ecologically functional (cows, pigs), and some seem dysfunctional (cargo cult). In the case of cargo, the "dysfunction" is that it keeps the New Guineans from working to better themselves or it keeps them politically inactive, depending on your point of view. It is "functional" in that it provides a reason to the New Guineans not to work, namely that wealth can only come if the Big Men are properly honored--their experience already suggests that hard work doesn't work. (Remember that humans create reasons even if there are none.) We may know that this is not going to convince the rulers to send any welfare and thus regard it as dysfunctional, but this may not be the point--the elders must explain their behavior to themselves and their children.
3. Makes us ask, what are our own myths.
a. Consumerism, conspicuous consumption.
b. Factors are paid their MVP. This enables us to label the cargo cult irrational.
How is the cargo cult related to the belief that factors are paid their MVP (or that golden parachutes for executives are legitimate)? Our poor also observe that not all who enjoy wealth work hard. They may suspect that it is the poor's hard work that supports the Big Men. Coordinated armed revolt is impractical, but armed robbery is, and robbery is OK because the thief deserves it. And drug dealing is an attractive short cut to wealth as is waiting for cargo (welfare payments). From Harris we might assert that some econ. theory is the myth of the middle class which keeps them docile and believing they get what they deserve and those who get more also deserve more. (Does that help explain the Ross Perot phenomenon?) Many are waiting for their own individual break (cargo or lottery) rather than working for a different system. Harris implies that the New Guineans (and Detroiters ?) are justified in trying to explain why some are rich and some poor other than hard work. Why does the environment sometimes produce a cargo cult, sometimes Islamic fundamentalism, and sometimes hopelessness and despondency, and sometimes collective action to replace the Big Men? Skinner is right, each of these actions gets reinforced--but how does that help us understand which outcome comes out?
4. Do we need myths to solve our own Prisoners Dilemma and commitment problems? Joseph Campbell shows the utility of ancient myths, but are any modern myths being created?
Harris defends some myths, attacks others, but in general he wants to demystify. He hates the flower children. So I am not sure where Harris stands on the utility of myth and less sure of where I stand. Frank seems to suggest that we need the emotions and good policy would take advantage of them. Could we research how many groups unconsciously back into a functional or dysfunctional myth to solve their commitment problems vs. sit down and consciously adopt rules to control their own opportunistic behavior? The power of myth in overcoming individual temptation and avoiding the social trap comes from tying it to the natural, mystical and sacred thus evoking a non-rational response. Do these evolve as we need them and will they be functional?
5. Why do particular myths arise non-deliberatively from a given natural environment? Harris, like Skinner, has little use for ideas, mentalistic concepts, images, symbols, language; though I am told by my anthropology friends that Harris is changing his view (see his Death, Sex and Fertility: Population Regulation in Preindustrial and Developing Societies, Columbia Univ. Press, 1987.
6. When people are in that part of the brain which is the reflective controller, they need not rely only on their own resources, but can get help from others. In fact, Dawes suggests that we rather enjoy being social. We seem to work out our world views by interaction with others. Mary Douglas is Harris's complement in that she definitely has a role for ideas and symbols. In her book, How Institutions Think, she observes that people often find a metaphor from experience (often apparently natural) that seems to provide a rationale for why things are similar and thus the basis for a choice or behavior. We find it useful to justify a policy affecting others by saying that it is natural rather than that it serves our interest. Reason is involved in thinking about the appropriateness of a given analogy, but once many are comfortable with it, it takes on a life of its own and in that sense institutions do our thinking for us (save scarce mental energy).
7. See also Harris, Food and Evolution: Toward a Theory of Human Food Habits, Temple Univ. Press, 1987.
If you have any questions or comments, please email schmid@pilot.msu.edu
